Atit. XIII. Reflections on the Piesmt State of Jfaiis on the Continent , as connected xaf/i the Question oj a General and Permanent Peace. 8vo. London. 1814% ’VJT’l certainly do not propose, in the two little pages that are ** loft of tins Number, to enter at all upon the great and comprehensive subject announced in the title we have tran- scribed ; but we cannot come again before the Public, without saying one word upon that branch of it which not only touch- es the peace and happiness of a great part of Europe more near- ly than any other ; — but involves — more than they have yet been involved in the whole history of her connexion w ith the Conti- nent — the honour and the ultimate interests of this country. -At the approaching Congress of Vienna, the fate of Poland— a great part of which is actually left without any legitimate go- vernment in the mean time— will necessarily be decided : — as far as the resolutions of the powers there assembled are able to decide it: And England, a leading party in that Assembly, must, Jor the fn>t lime 9 take an active, deliberate, and solemn partin the decision ! There never was an occasion on which it was so im- portant to herself, and to the whole civilized world — we may even snv to mankind at large- -that she should take tar pmt wisely, and well. . 40 i Restoration of Poland . Sept# * Wc shall say nothing of the manifest injustice of the subver- sion of this antient and interesting State — nothing of the degra- dation, and actual and complicated misery, to which it has re- duced every one of its inhabitants : But it is impossible that we should ever cease to speak of the tremendous evils which have been generated by the example — and which must continue to be generated while that example is allowed to remain. The fabric of European polity has just .escaped from that dreadful concus- sion which it so lately sustained from the torrent of Trench con- quest and usurpation : And now, when the owners and the* ar- chitects arc assembled, in anxious consultation* to ascertain what damage it has suffered, and how it may be most effectually re- paired, it is impossible that our eyes should not be turned to that fearful and gaping breach, in ^he very keystone of the arch, which was made by the partition of Poland ! We livo now' in the days of retribution and atonement. Domineering ambition has at length been cast down in the pride of its havoc* Nations have banded together in the name of Justice— and in that name have conquered— and a new and a happier order of things seems lobe beginning, with the restoration of national indepen- dence, and the proscription of all systems of oppression. The avowed principle of the grand confederacy, which has so recent- ly delivered the world, was, that all should be united for the protection of all — that the independence of each state should be secured by the combination of ito neighbours — and that hence- forward they alone should be put in jeopardy who attempted to violate that mutual paction of defence by which all were defend- ed. Is it not natural , in such a moment, to look for the resto- ration of Poland ? Or shall we see no restorations but those that are accomplished by force ? — and ■dial! those by whom that force was used, and who have claimed and obtained such unexampled glory for the ends they professed to have in view in the use of it, give the lie to their professions by their conduct ? — And while, with an air of generous detestation, they wre^t all 1ns usurpa- tions from the vanquished foe, quietly retain for themselves pos- sessions as foully usurped, and only to be retained through still greater crimes and sufferings ? Shall they 4 Who smote the foremost man of all this world But for protecting robbers — ?hall they now Contaminate their fingers with base spoils, And sell the mighty space of their huge honours For needless cities and rebellious plains : * * What a scene of triumph must such a consummation afford to those who make audacious mocks at the professions ol Sovereigns, and insolently represent all established governments as essentially 495 1814. Restoration of Poland. false and oppressive ! — what a fatal mortification to those who had dared to hope well of human nature — and to look forward to the rise of a higher and a firmer structure of society, founded upon a more generous and enlightened loyalty to Prince* no longer the victims qf jealousy and suspicion, hut willing to trust both their glory and their sc entity teethe gratitude and ailed mu of their people! — On the other hand, what a noble proof would (his spontaneous and heroic act of Justice afford of the sincerity of {hose professions, under which so much has been aheuly done, and so much held out to the work! -what a solid ami he- Jightfulassunince of the actual progress which this age has made in happiness and vntiie- and how vast an encom aeemi nt to all who, m public or in private hie, wait only f r high example to decide for liberality ! \\ hut a glorious contrast too w\ uld it furnish to those schemes oi sclfidi and unrelenting ambition un- der which the world has so lately suffered, and how great ami salutary a discredit would it throw on all those acts of unprin- cipled aggression which have hitherto received but too general a sanction bom the proceedings of’ powerful governments ! Wn .1 never dying hanur, finally, and what iniak'nlublc additions of mi!) t mti. d influence and power would be gained by tho lliuslri- ou-. individuals who should thus seal their high professions t>ya roiemn sacrifice of all unjust in (positions — ami, nobly (reading back the erroneous steps of jheir predecessors, should freely re- store to an injured and generou** nation, the independence of which they have been despoiled! The time is now come, wc arc pcisuadul, when such an expiation is likely to be made — lor the tunc is come' when it is not only wished I* r, but expected. In th I., count i y, al 1 xot. the sentiments which we have just been attempting to express, are universal; — and, m a matter w here we have no partial or peculiar interest, the impression and the voice of this country, may fairly be taken lo 1 ' tlio.-e of enligiitened Europe in general. It is not, however, for the sake of again expressing those sen- timents, nor men ly for that of calling the public attention to them at this critical moment, that we have been induced to cJose our present publication with this mention of lk, kind, it is childly for the purpose of urging upon the j eoplo, and conse- quently upon the government o( England, llu important consi- deration that they have never yet given any positive or direct sanction to the subversion of that unhappy state— and that they arc notv called upon for the first lime to express their sentiments with regard to it: — that the moment is now come when they must either redemi, or incalc ulabiy iggiavate, the sin of their original neutrality or passive acquiescence in that flagitious pro- 496 Restoration of Poland . Sept# ceeding; and either dishonour themselves by a spontaneous and solemn accession to the greatest Micccssful crime which stains the annals of the world, — or expiate the guilt of their first neglect by a vigorous attempt to redrew ihe mighty wrong which was thtn inflicted, — not on Poland only, but oil the genera^. cause of national independence in every quarter of the world. Circum- stances, we think, are now eminently favourable for the accom- plishment of this great work ; not only hum the gt nerd posture of the great drama ot European ufluiis, and the cluuacier ofihe leading Actors, bur from the situation of the difiemit parties who are immediately concerned in the project. The consummation of this memorable outrage —the actual subversion and annihilation of a state winch long ranked as the fourth in the Europtan commonwealth, did not take place till late in 1796 — more than three \ears alter January 1792 — the period to which it is the professed object of the great powers allied against Bonapaite to bring back the condition of all those countries which had been ruined or overthrown in the disorders which succeeded each other alter that period. The destruction of Poland, therefore, is a more recent event than the destruction of the Trench monarchy, — and is coeval wnli the destruction of Dutch independence j both which have been restored without the. least surmise that the claim for such u.4oration had become obsolete by the lapse of time, or tjiat the intermediate state of things had become the settled and. habitual one of either coun- try. In point of fact, it will not be disputed that Pqland has manifested her impatience and suffering under this new state of things, far more violently and con: - mtly than either France or Holland : and there are even circumstances in her recent his- tory, that would render its continuance ^till more cruel and in- tolerable. Though the kingdom of Poland was suppressed in 1795, the nation was again restored Co something of a separate existence, by the erection of the Grand Dutchy of Warsaw in 3 807 ; and the national pride and patriotic feelings of its ardent population have, ever since that time, been in some measure gra- tified by this partial restitution, and at once soothed and inflamed by perpetual hopes and promisesof a more complete emancipation. It is now generally understood, that by the secret articles of the treaty, concluded between Bonaparte and the Emperor of Aus- tria m March 1812, provisions were made for the restoration of the kingdom of Poland — and compensations adjusted for the ces- sions were consequently to be demanded of Austfia. It vvasjj^'fms lure that Bonaparte attached to himself those brave and^Sliistrious Poles, whose valour gilded and retarded his final struggle for dominion ,* and whose uncxUnguisdiable Jove for the 1814 . Restoration of Poland . 497 honour and the name of their country, will ever lead them to pour out their blood, like water, in any contest which holds out the most distant hope of its redemption. Poland, therefore, is in that state in which the refusal of its complete reestablishment will be more bitterly felt, and more 1 dangerously resented, than at any period since its subversion ; and in w hich its reduction to the state in which it was before JS07 would actually be an outrage, and a crime not less enormous than that which was consummated in 1795. The new state which wais then created under the name of tfie Grand Dutehy of Warsaw, has been recognized by all the parties to the original partition — and indeed by every one of the powers who are now to sit, in judgment, on its destiny, except England alone — who never recognized the original partition, and is not bound, therefore, to acknowledge one foot of soil which formed part of the ancient kingdom ot Poland, as the ter- ritory of any other kingdom. The condition of Poland itself, therefore, — its recently suppressed — partly restored — and tilled w ith recent hopes and promises of complete icstoralion, — is un- questionably such as to hold out the strongest inducements to extend to it also the benefit of that great principle of restoration which has been so proudly proclaimed, and so nobly lealized in other instances, by those veiy Sovereigns in whose power it is to make its best application here. With regard to the condition of those powers themselves, a- gain, we have already said that England has never disgraced herself by any accession or direct recognition of any one ol the successive acts of rapine by which this monstrous crime has been accomplished; — and the same thing may be said ot Fiance, lioth these great powers vveie guilty no doubt of a base and fa- tal desertion of their duty as guardians of the general interests of civilized Europe, when they stood quietly by and saw one of it* greatest and most antient states thus torn to pieces and devoured by its neighbours : lkit they were no sharers in that disgraceful proceeding; they had no paitieipation or concern in if what- soever ; .and their hands and tongues are still free and unfetter- ed, therefore, for remonstrance and resistance — whifh, if not interposed at the moment, never could be so effectually interpos- ed as at present. They are not onl yjree to remonstiate and re- sist — but they arc at last called upon either to do so, or to take a i active and willing share in crimes with which they have not y.*t been contaminated — and wilfully to dishonour themselves in the eve# of the world by a deliberate accession, after the fact, to atrocities from which they can derive no benefit! — Of the disposi- tions and feelings of* the people of England no doubt can be enter- tained — and none we hope and trust of the conduct ot Us Cioteru- 498 Restoration of Poland. Sept* merit. — On the cooperation and good wishes of the Court of France we think a similar reliance may be placed. No other Go- vernment ought to be so zealous in the cause of restorations — and the whole course of its antient and of its modern policy runs in the same direct! >n. These two, however* arc almost the only neutral and impartial parties who aie to assist at the approaching deliber- ations ; — and as the pretensions of the re^t will probably be in a good degree b danced against each other, their concurrence, in a measure so strongly recommended by every consideration of justice and sound policy, can scarcely fail to be attended with' ef- fect. Kvon of the interested parties, however, we are disposed to presume favourably. Of the Kmpcror Alexander, by far the most important of the whole, it is impossible to presume other- wise. lie has given the world a right to expect from him a strain of conduct, above the little views and low ambition of ordi- nary politicians; and is bound, as we cannot doubt that he is dis- posed, to exemplify at home, the high maxims which he so mag- nanimously supported and enforced abro id. — Austria, which par- ticipated in that glory, shares also in this obligation : and be- sides, her recent compact in 1M2, ought to debar her from all pleas of secure and undisturbed possesion, and be held still more binding upon her under the more favourable circumstan- ces which have since occurred ; unless she chooses to avow, that she was willing to yield more to Bonaparte, by whom she was op- pressed and insulted, than to the more pow<*i fill and magnani- mous Allies, by whom she has been delivered from bis thraldom, and restored to her ancient place a d dignity. — The claims of Prussia will, on all accounts, be still more easily disposed of. If these States, indeed, are rightly awake to their own inte- rests, they can scarcely fail to see and feci that their substan- tial power and security will be increased, instead of being dimi- nished, by the relinquishment of those ruined and disaffected provinces, which constitute a part, not of their strength, but their weakness,*— and are at once the perpetual occasions, of' lios- iility, anc^the points through which it is most likely to penetrate to their vitals. By the reestablishment of a lawful and friendly state, bound, by the very event of its restoration, in ties of grati- tude to them all, and yet jealous of too close an alliance witfi a- ny, each would, in fact, obtain a far more secure frontier against the others, than can ever be constituted by the dejected and wasted provinces which now gird their borders with a population perpetually on the eve of a justifiable insurrection, and afford- ing but slender resources, even if they were sincerely attached to their interest* Some new arrangements on their respective? 1' ' . 1814 . 409 Restoration of Poland . frontiers will, no doubt, be required ; but none which can oc- casion any serious embarrassment to parties sincerely desirous of a fair and amicable adjustment. Looking even to their immediate and peculiar intc tests there- fore, we conceive that those states will be gi eat and certain gainers by that act of Justice, for which, at the > tme time, they wiH receive and deserve the praises of high and heroic genero- sity. — 13ut, looking to that larger, and more impoitant interest whith is common to them with m, and with all the members of civili/ed society, the advantages which they wall reap, will he great beyond all calculation or example. Such an net, we con- ceive, concurring with the other meinoublc events of the same critical season, will at once secure and ameliorate all the esta- blished monarchies and existing governments of Kuropc. It will fix for ever, and in every cmmtiy, the opinion which the people is to entertain of the principles and policy of their rulers : — And considering what a pieponderafing influence already be- longs to that opinion, and what additional force it is obviously destined to acquiie, we do not think that we sav too much, When we add, That upon their decision of this great question, it de- fends — whether Europe is tocontinue, for cen furies yet to come, in a course, on the whole, of peace and improvement, limb r its pre- sent constitution, — or w hether, at the close of no very great num- ber of years, it is again to be agitated with revolts and revolu- tions, and plunged through a series of still more extensive dis- orders, into the same hazard of universal despotism, from which it has so lately escaped It is impossible to await the issue of those most momentous deliberations, without gieat anxiety and some apprehension: — But we confess tint our hopes preponderate, and that our anticipa- tions, upon the whole, are favourable. Whatever may be the re- sult, however, our earnest prayer, and most confident assurance is, that England at least wfll be found in the place and the posture that becomes her name and character ; and that, as the body of the nation is, and has always been, unanimous in its reprobation of those proceedings on which its government has too long been silent, so no consideration will ever induce its representatives, mow that this silence must be broken, to belie those feelings of which it is impossible they should be ignorant — or to dishon- our the British name, by a deliberate and unprofitable accession to a caime against liberty, humanity, and policy.